The interim government installed on August 8, 2024 by a youth-led popular uprising and led by the most respected living Bangladeshi, Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, is committed to pursuing a “state repair” agenda. The students and the public, the chhatra-janata, which overthrew the oligarchic and kleptocratic regime, want to ensure that the state in the future serves the people, not a self-serving cartel.

In a speech on September 11, Professor Yunus announced the formation six independent commissions to introduce reforms in the constitution, the electoral system, the judicial system, the police, the Anticorruption Commission (ACC) and the public administration. The commissions were asked to present their recommendations within three months on actions, which will be followed by public dialogue on the recommendations. On October 31, his training five more commissions were announced for reforms in health, the media, workers’ rights, local government and women’s affairs. The 11 commissions are expected to address major areas of state policies, responsibilities and services that are vital elements of state repair.

Faced with the dysfunction in all areas of public services, the respective authorities have initiated various other reform efforts, such as the commission to prepare a white paper on the economy and the working group of the National Council of Revenue (NBR) on income tax. justice. On September 30, the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education appointed an advisory committee advise on improving the quality of primary and non-formal education, pedagogy and management structure. This author was appointed the convener of the commission.

We might recall that the student-led revolt stemmed from discriminatory rules for civil service jobs, and more broadly, that education and training did not pave the way to jobs and decent livelihoods for most students. Because of various streams with unequal standards and access to them based on family economic status, education is not a ladder for the intergenerational transition to a better life. Instead, schools have become a way to reinforce existing disparities, limiting opportunities and prospects for most children.

A widely accepted education policy formulated in 2010, which should still be operational, envisioned a unified school experience of acceptable quality for all children, motivated and capable teachers, and decentralized and responsive education governance. The policy also called for the development of relevant middle and higher level skills and the training of competent professionals, academics and researchers by expanding higher education to acceptable standards. The policy compromised by accepting the multiple streams of school education with different standards and serving different objectives. It also remained vague about how its goals might be achieved. And like its predecessors, the regime in power since 2009 has made no serious, systemic effort to implement the policy.

The development of education, therefore, remained fragmented, lacking a comprehensive vision, characterized by a partial and reactive response to ongoing operational problems. Moreover, narrow political and factional interest led to decisions and actions, which had little to do with achieving and serving the goals of education and the interest of children and the nation.

The consequences of the disorder in the system are that as people can now voice their grievances, students, teachers and various vested interests are raising all sorts of demands, sometimes forcefully and resorting to violence. Some of these requests require urgent action, others need judicious consideration, but all have system-wide consequences that cannot be ignored. The cases in question are the dropping of unfinished parts of this year’s HSC exams, the general abandonment of recent curriculum papers and textbooks and a return to 2012 learning materials, appointments made in public universities in the old ways rather than with transparency and stated criteria, and applied publicly and decisions. – manufacturing dominated by ministry bureaucracies. Some of them have little understanding of the nuances of education or are eager to pursue an agenda of self-seeking as in the old regime. Just sending circulars and orders from the capital to all corners of the country is still the preferred solution to problems. The people and their customs have not changed.

Why is there still no reform commission in the vital education sector? Is it too complex, difficult to generate consensus on important issues? Would a commission stir up more controversy and division in society than the interim government is willing to face? These are legitimate concerns. But these concerns apply to all other government-appointed commissions.

The 2010 National Education Policy, recognizing the complexity and sensitivities of the sector, recommended the creation of a permanent statutory commission on education to guide policy implementation strategies, monitor progress and keep the national parliament and the public informed of the state of education in country. The previous regime characteristically did not want such a public spotlight on its activities. Perhaps they could appoint a commission of their own people who do not serve the public interest, as has happened with other statutory bodies. The caretaker government cannot and should not follow this tradition. Pushing critical issues under the rug should not be the way to go.

A carefully chosen commission on education can advise the caretaker government and serve the nation in the following areas, among others:

i) Directing the discussion and steps towards an educational sectoral plan with a 10-year timeframe and greater five-year specificity. Initial work was done in this regard both with the participation of ministries and with the support of UNESCO and the Global Partnership for Education in 2020, but the government failed to follow through.
ii) The Sectoral Plan would pay particular attention to a time-bound program and strategy for universal primary and secondary education, effective and market-related vocational education and training, four-year colleges responsive to employment within the National University and university expansion rigidly applying quality criteria.
iii) A new way of thinking about teachers and education workers for school education, with the aim of attracting and retaining the best teaching talent.
iv) Responsive, accountable and decentralized educational governance and management, with efficient use of educational resources and substantially increased public investment.
v) Helping to articulate the government’s position regarding the areas and priorities of external assistance, aligned with the sectoral plan and the strategies proposed for different sub-sectors.
vi) How the education budget for FY25, the first budget prepared by the caretaker government, should reflect the spirit and objectives in education of the youth-led state repair agenda.

The board of education should probably function somewhat differently in two ways. First, the government can seek its advice and rely on its deliberation on various ongoing sensitive issues such as the demands of the seven government colleges in Dhaka for redressal of various long-ignored grievances. Second, in anticipation of a permanent commission on education, the committee now appointed could have a public dialogue about the nature, role and composition of that permanent body and would continue to serve as a commission until a permanent commission is formally established.

The formation of an education commission would be a way to honor and repay a small part of the debt owed by the nation to the martyrs and those injured in the July-August uprising.

Dr. Manzoor Ahmed is Professor Emeritus at BRAC University, Chairman of the Bangladesh ECD Network (BEN) and Advisor to the Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE).

The views expressed in this article are those of the author.

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