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What’s next for Trump and Netanyahu?
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What’s next for Trump and Netanyahu?

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to fire Defense Minister Yoav Gallant Tuesday night may not be the triumphant return of a leader after a spectacular election victory, but in its own way it signals Netanyahu’s latest political renaissance.

Gallant was a persistent thorn in Netanyahu’s side and was one of the prime minister’s few remaining rivals within the government. It was popular with the general public and for that it had to be removed.

The two had been at odds for years; Gallant publicly criticized Netanyahu’s judicial reform efforts in March 2023, warning that the proposed legislation made Israel weak and exposed the country to new vulnerabilities.

Now, with Gallant out of the way, Netanyahu has a cabinet of ministers that will be completely subordinate. His choice to replace Gallant, Israel Katzhe is a veteran Likud figure who has never been one to make a splash or leave a mark in the positions he has held.

His recent tenure as foreign minister was defined not by diplomatic progress or other substantial achievements, but by absurd AI-generated caricatures of Turkey, Spain and Brazil.

President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem on May 23, 2017. (Credit: RONEN ZVULUN/REUTERS)

Katz, who wields influence over Likud’s voter base, long ago opted to toe the Netanyahu line, seemingly eyeing a future in which he could inherit the reins of power from Netanyahu when he eventually retires.

In addition, Gideon Sa’ar, who joined the government a few weeks ago despite pledging just weeks before that he would never serve under Netanyahu again, is avoiding confrontation. He is determined to reintegrate into Likud, and obeying Netanyahu is his only way back.

This coalition reshuffle gives Netanyahu a new lease on life. With Gallant gone, no one is pushing for a hostage deal against his wishes, no one in a leadership position creating friction with ultra-Orthodox factions over the IDF bill, and no one agitating for a formal state commission of inquiry on failures. which led to October 7.

In firing Gallant, Netanyahu also issued a quiet warning to the three civil servants with the power to oppose him: General Prosecutor Gali Baharav-MiaraIDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Herzi Halevi and the head of the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), Ronen Bar. Everyone now understands the extent of Netanyahu’s ambition to consolidate power.

For Halevi, Gallant’s dismissal signals the beginning of the countdown to his own resignation. Gallant had acted as the IDF’s chief advocate in cabinet, shielding Halevi and other generals from attacks by ministers such as Itamar Ben-Gvir. With Gallant fired, Halevi’s time is limited.


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A quest for power

Netanyahu’s quest for power has been relentless, but also extraordinary. Despite being responsible for the government and military failures that led to the tragic events of October 7, he not only stayed in office but managed to increase his power – a testament to his uncanny political ability to change the conversation even in the most difficult circumstances.

The timing of Gallant’s dismissal reveals much about Netanyahu’s calculations. He fired Gallant on Tuesday night in Israel while Americans were distracted by their own election, effectively minimizing scrutiny from the Biden administration. Gallant has been a key interlocutor with the Americans on issues ranging from humanitarian aid in Gaza to the conduct of Israel’s military strikes.

His dismissal any other day could have triggered a serious backlash from Washington that could impact arms supplies and other strategic cooperation.

Netanyahu’s choice to act on US election day signals his acute awareness of how American politics work and his ability to maneuver through it.

Netanyahu knows that with Donald Trump returning as US president in just two months, he needs to be careful. His quick congratulatory message to Trump on Wednesday — he was one of the first world leaders to do so — sought to correct Trump’s belief that Netanyahu was too quick to congratulate Biden.

This time, Netanyahu wanted to set things right, suggesting not only by his words but also by his actions that he is eager to stay in Trump’s good graces.

Netanyahu now faces a key choice: Some in his circle believe he should de-escalate the conflict in Gaza and Lebanon before Trump’s inauguration, something that could be seen as a gesture to the new president and the start of a clean slate with the incoming administration .

Others believe Netanyahu should hold off until Trump takes office, allowing Trump to enter the White House as the president who brokered peace.

Netanyahu’s moves — reshaping his coalition, managing his relationship with Trump and maneuvering through the changing US political landscape — reflect his survival skills.

Like Trump, Netanyahu has now consolidated his power in Jerusalem. The question is, with both men having reached their political strongholds, what will they choose to do with it?

The writer is a senior fellow at the Jewish People’s Policy Institute and former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post.